All right, let’s get this party started. In the past I’ve generally done the top races by themselves, but any race involving Trump provides challenges, because his level of support just varies in comparison to other Republicans depending on where you look. So this year it felt right to include the other statewide non-judicial results in my Presidential analyses, and the only way to do that without completely overwhelming you with a wall of numbers was to break it out by district types. That seemed to also pair well with a closer look at the competitive districts of interest, of which there were more than usual this year. So let’s begin with a look at the Congressional districts in Harris County. Only CDs 02, 07, 18, and 29 are fully in Harris County – we won’t have the complete data on all Congressional districts until later – so just keep that in mind.
Dist Trump Biden Lib Grn Trump% Biden% Lib% Grn%
==================================================================
CD02 174,980 170,428 4,067 969 49.93% 48.63% 1.16% 0.28%
CD07 143,176 170,060 3,416 903 45.09% 53.55% 1.08% 0.28%
CD08 25,484 16,629 520 87 59.65% 38.93% 1.22% 0.20%
CD09 39,372 125,237 1,066 589 23.68% 75.32% 0.64% 0.35%
CD10 101,390 65,714 2,023 431 59.80% 38.76% 1.19% 0.25%
CD18 57,669 189,823 2,382 962 22.99% 75.68% 0.95% 0.38%
CD22 21,912 21,720 522 137 49.47% 49.04% 1.18% 0.31%
CD29 52,937 106,229 1,265 649 32.86% 65.95% 0.79% 0.40%
CD36 83,710 52,350 1,558 402 60.65% 37.93% 1.13% 0.29%
Dist Cornyn Hegar Lib Grn Cornyn% Hegar% Lib% Grn%
==================================================================
CD02 180,504 157,923 6,215 2,164 52.37% 45.82% 1.80% 0.63%
CD07 152,741 154,670 4,939 2,161 48.90% 49.52% 1.58% 0.69%
CD08 25,916 15,259 846 221 61.67% 36.31% 2.01% 0.53%
CD09 39,404 118,424 2,725 1,677 24.54% 73.76% 1.70% 1.04%
CD10 102,919 60,687 3,168 939 61.71% 36.39% 1.90% 0.56%
CD18 60,111 178,680 4,806 2,468 24.68% 73.35% 1.97% 1.01%
CD22 21,975 20,283 898 377 50.92% 47.00% 2.08% 0.87%
CD29 51,044 99,415 3,022 1,969 33.26% 64.77% 1.97% 1.28%
CD36 83,614 48,814 2,598 913 61.92% 36.15% 1.92% 0.68%
Dist Wright Casta Lib Grn Wright% Casta% Lib% Grn%
==================================================================
CD02 176,484 153,628 7,631 4,122 51.62% 44.94% 2.23% 1.21%
CD07 149,114 149,853 6,276 3,974 48.22% 48.46% 2.03% 1.29%
CD08 25,558 14,796 992 394 61.23% 35.45% 2.38% 0.94%
CD09 37,090 117,982 2,764 2,570 23.12% 73.55% 1.72% 1.60%
CD10 101,414 58,873 3,758 1,793 61.15% 35.50% 2.27% 1.08%
CD18 57,783 177,020 5,021 3,846 23.71% 72.65% 2.06% 1.58%
CD22 21,026 20,231 1,007 675 48.97% 47.12% 2.35% 1.57%
CD29 46,954 102,354 2,802 2,334 30.40% 66.27% 1.81% 1.51%
CD36 81,424 48,619 2,880 1,300 60.66% 36.22% 2.15% 0.97%
Dist GOP Dem Lib Grn GOP% Dem% Lib% Grn%
==================================================================
CD02 192,828 148,374 5,524 55.61% 42.79% 1.59%
CD07 149,054 159,529 5,542 47.75% 50.79% 1.76%
CD08 25,906 15,212 926 61.62% 36.18% 2.20%
CD09 35,634 121,576 4,799 22.00% 75.04% 2.96%
CD10 103,180 60,388 3,496 61.76% 36.15% 2.09%
CD18 58,033 180,952 4,514 3,396 23.51% 73.29% 1.83% 1.38%
CD22 20,953 19,743 2,291 48.74% 45.93% 5.33%
CD29 42,840 111,305 2,328 27.38% 71.13% 1.49%
CD36 84,721 46,545 2,579 985 62.84% 34.52% 1.91% 0.73%
The first three tables are the Presidential, Senate, and Railroad Commissioner results, in that order. Subsequent presentations with State Rep and JP/Constable precincts will be done in the same fashion. For this post, I have also included the actual Congressional results – each Congressional race had both a Dem and a Republican, which doesn’t always happen, so they provide a good point of comparison. The candidate labeled as “Green” in CD18 was actually an independent – only CD36 had an actual Green Party candidate. In the other Congressional races, there were only three candidates.
How competitive CD02 looks depends very much on how you’re looking at it. On the one hand, Joe Biden came within 1.3 points, with Trump failing to reach fifty percent. On the other hand, Dan Crenshaw won by almost thirteen points, easily exceeding his marks from 2018 while clearly getting some crossover support. In between was everything else – MJ Hegar and Chrysta Castaneda trailed by about six and a half points each, with third-party candidates taking an increasing share of the vote. As we’ll see, most of the time the spread was between seven and nine points. That doesn’t tell us too much about what CD02 will look like going forward, but it does tell us that it doesn’t have a large reserve of Republican votes in it that can be used to bolster other Republicans. One possible outcome is that the map-drawers decide that Crenshaw will punch above his weight – he certainly fundraises at a very high level – which will allow them to leave him in a seemingly-narrow district while tending to more urgent matters elsewhere. The downside there is that if and when Crenshaw decides he’s made for bigger things, this district would be that much harder to hold with a different Republican running in it.
Another possibility is that Republicans will decide that they’re better off turning CD07 into a more Dem-friendly district, and using the space Republican capacity from CD07 to bolster CDs 02 and maybe 10. Lizzie Fletcher didn’t win by much, though I will note that Wesley Hunt’s 47.75% is a mere 0.28 points better than John Culberson in 2018. (There was no Libertarian candidate in 2018; do we think that hurt Hunt or Fletcher more in this context?) But other than Biden, no Dem came close to matching Fletcher’s performance – Hegar and Castaneda were among the top finishers in CD07, as we will see going forward. Like Crenshaw, Fletcher got some crossovers as well. It’s a big question how the Republicans will approach CD07 in the redistricting process. In years past, before the big blue shift in the western parts of Harris County, my assumption had been that the weight of CD07 would continue to move west, probably poking into Fort Bend and Waller counties. I’m less sure of that now – hell, I have no idea what they will do. I have suggested that they make CD07 more Democratic, which would enable them to shore up CD02, CD10, maybe CD22. They could try to add enough Republicans to tilt CD07 red, and at least make Fletcher work that much harder if not endanger her. Or who knows, they could throw everything out and do a radical redesign, in which case who knows what happens to CD07. Harris is going to get a certain number of full and partial Congressional districts in it no matter what, and there are Republican incumbents who will want to keep various areas for themselves, and the Voting Rights Act is still in effect, so there are some constraints. But there’s nothing to say that CD07 will exist in some form as we now know it. Expect the unexpected, is what I’m saying.
None of the other districts had as large a variance in the Trump vote. He trailed Cornyn and Wright in total votes in every district except CDs 29 and 36 (he also led Wright in 22). He trailed the Republican Congressional candidate in every district except 09, 18, and 29, the three strong D districts. Conversely, Joe Biden led every Democratic candidate in every district except for Sylvia Garcia in CD29; Garcia likely got about as many crossover votes as Lizzie Fletcher did. I’m amused to see Trump beat the designated sacrificial lamb candidate in CD18, partly because he was one of the co-plaintiffs on the state lawsuit to throw out all of the drive-through votes, and partly because I saw far more yard signs for Wendell Champion in my mostly-white heavily Democratic neighborhood (*) than I did for Trump. Maybe this is what was meant by “shy Trump voters”.
One more point about redistricting. Mike McCaul won the Harris County portion of CD10 by 43K votes; he won it by 46K in 2012 and 47K in 2016. He won overall by 30K, after squeaking through in 2018 by 13K votes. He had won in 2012 by 64K votes, and in 2016 by 59K votes. Now, a big driver of that is the ginormous growth in the Travis County Dem vote – he went from a 14K deficit in Travis in 2012 to a 57K deficit in 2020. The point I’m making is that there’s not a well of spare Republican votes in CD10 that could be used to redden CD07, not without putting CD10 at risk. Again, the Republicans could throw the current map out and start over from scratch – there will be new districts to include, so to some extent that will happen anyway – it’s just that Harris County is going to be of limited, and decreasing, use to them. They have to work around Harris, not with it. It’s going to make for some interesting decisions on their part.
I’ll have a look at the State Rep districts next. Let me know what you think.
(*) The two main precincts for my neighborhood went for Biden over Trump by a combined 68-28.
I have suggested that they make CD07 more Democratic, which would enable them to shore up CD02, CD10, maybe CD22.
That’s my bet. Or at least they will create a 4th Democratic voter sink in the area. How much the 4 sinks look like the current 4 Democratic districts is still an open question.
The State House data will be interesting, because I still don’t know how well they can draw a safe 10th Republican State House seat.
I suppose it isn’t a legal barrier for Congress, but they could make a subtle change to redraw CD07 so that Fletcher no longer lived in the district. She lives in River Oaks, and about a mile away from CD02. If they were willing to chop off CD02’s lower appendage, they could even draw Fletcher’s home into CD18.
That still doesn’t solve what to do with the district as a whole. I agree with you that Republicans may be best off punting on CD07 and use it to soak up Democratic votes. It would certainly save Republicans a lot of money because that district is expensive.
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Thanks for running these numbers. Much appreciated. I hope you don’t mind me linking to them (with attribution) on my page.