Introduction
Congressional districts
State Rep districts
We now zoom in for a look at various county districts, which are also called “precincts”. I don’t know why we have County Commissioner precincts and JP/Constable precincts to go along with regular voting precincts – it makes for a certain amount of either monotony or inaccuracy when I have to write about them – but it is what it is. Dems made a priority of County Commissioner Precinct 3 and didn’t get it, but did flip a longstanding Republican Justice of the Peace bench.
Dist Trump Biden Lib Grn Trump% Biden% Lib% Grn%
==================================================================
CC1 90,536 295,657 3,355 1,338 23.16% 75.64% 0.86% 0.34%
CC2 154,159 154,516 3,250 1,028 49.26% 49.37% 1.04% 0.33%
CC3 220,205 234,323 4,876 1,328 47.79% 50.86% 1.06% 0.29%
CC4 235,730 233,697 5,338 1,435 49.50% 49.08% 1.12% 0.30%
Dist Trump Biden Lib Grn Trump% Biden% Lib% Grn%
==================================================================
JP1 85,426 182,182 3,199 822 31.45% 67.07% 1.18% 0.30%
JP2 35,864 51,624 741 330 40.50% 58.29% 0.84% 0.37%
JP3 53,543 70,746 1,055 375 42.59% 56.27% 0.84% 0.30%
JP4 232,147 199,750 4,698 1,250 53.02% 45.62% 1.07% 0.29%
JP5 199,292 236,253 4,525 1,384 45.14% 53.52% 1.03% 0.31%
JP6 8,554 28,500 357 158 22.77% 75.86% 0.95% 0.42%
JP7 17,977 104,457 835 464 14.53% 84.42% 0.67% 0.38%
JP8 67,827 44,681 1,409 346 59.36% 39.10% 1.23% 0.30%
Dist Cornyn Hegar Lib Grn Cornyn% Hegar% Lib% Grn%
==================================================================
CC1 94,601 278,805 6,735 3,743 24.20% 71.33% 1.72% 0.96%
CC2 152,772 144,150 6,038 2,703 48.82% 46.06% 1.93% 0.86%
CC3 229,016 214,734 7,608 3,129 49.71% 46.61% 1.65% 0.68%
CC4 241,839 216,469 8,836 3,314 50.79% 45.46% 1.86% 0.70%
Dist Cornyn Hegar Lib Grn Cornyn% Hegar% Lib% Grn%
==================================================================
JP1 93,109 167,648 4,655 2,101 34.28% 61.72% 1.71% 0.77%
JP2 35,186 48,126 1,638 946 39.73% 54.34% 1.85% 1.07%
JP3 52,663 67,120 2,257 1,121 41.89% 53.39% 1.80% 0.89%
JP4 235,664 186,072 8,077 2,923 53.82% 42.50% 1.84% 0.67%
JP5 205,996 217,791 7,543 3,288 46.66% 49.33% 1.71% 0.74%
JP6 8,342 26,680 795 472 22.20% 71.02% 2.12% 1.26%
JP7 19,157 99,241 2,051 1,291 15.48% 80.21% 1.66% 1.04%
JP8 68,111 41,480 2,201 747 59.61% 36.30% 1.93% 0.65%
Dist Wright Casta Lib Grn Wright% Casta% Lib% Grn%
==================================================================
CC1 90,035 276,291 7,330 5,863 23.03% 70.68% 1.88% 1.50%
CC2 146,598 145,934 6,329 3,756 46.84% 46.63% 2.02% 1.20%
CC3 223,852 208,983 9,167 5,678 48.59% 45.36% 1.99% 1.23%
CC4 236,362 212,151 10,305 5,711 49.64% 44.55% 2.16% 1.20%
Dist Wright Casta Lib Grn Wright% Casta% Lib% Grn%
==================================================================
JP1 90,194 163,531 5,804 3,640 33.20% 60.20% 2.14% 1.34%
JP2 32,881 49,373 1,605 1,218 37.13% 55.75% 1.81% 1.38%
JP3 50,924 67,644 2,207 1,398 40.51% 53.81% 1.76% 1.11%
JP4 230,575 183,069 9,233 5,036 52.66% 41.81% 2.11% 1.15%
JP5 200,704 213,004 8,895 5,800 45.46% 48.25% 2.01% 1.31%
JP6 7,490 27,172 730 651 19.94% 72.33% 1.94% 1.73%
JP7 17,970 98,421 2,115 2,039 14.52% 79.54% 1.71% 1.65%
JP8 66,109 41,145 2,542 1,226 57.86% 36.01% 2.22% 1.07%
First things first, the Justice of the Peace and Constable precincts are the same. There are eight of them, and for reasons I have never understood they are different sizes – as you can see, JPs 4 and 5 are roughly the size of Commissioners Court precincts, at least as far as voting turnout goes, JP1 is smaller but still clearly larger than the rest, and JP6 is tiny. When I get to have a conversation with someone at the county about their plans for redistricting, I plan to ask if there’s any consideration for redrawing these precincts. Note that there are two JPs in each precinct – Place 1 was up for election this cycle, with Place 2 on the ballot in 2022. The Constables are on the ballot with the Place 1 JPs. I’ll return to them in a minute.
You may recall from my first pass at Harris County data, Donald Trump had a super slim lead in Commissioners Court Precinct 2, home of Adrian Garcia. That was from before the provisional ballots were cured. There were something like five or six thousand provisional ballots, and overall they were pretty Democratic – I noted before that this almost pushed Jane Robinson over the top in her appellate court race – though they weren’t uniformly pro-Dem; Wesley Hunt in CD07 and Mike Schofield in HD132 netted a few votes from the provisionals, among those that I looked at more closely. In CC2, the provisional ballots put Joe Biden ever so slightly ahead of Trump, by a teensy but incrementally larger lead than Trump had had. MJ Hegar lost CC2 by a noticeable amount, and Chrysta Castaneda missed it by a hair.
Now, in 2018 Beto won CC2 by over six points. Every statewide candidate except for Lupe Valdez carried it, and every countywide candidate except for Lina Hidalgo carried it. Oddly enough, Adrian Garcia himself just squeaked by, taking the lead about as late in the evening as Judge Hidalgo did to claim the majority on the Court for Dems. I’d have thought Garcia would easily run ahead of the rest of the ticket, but it was largely the reverse. The conclusion I drew from this was that being an incumbent Commissioner was an advantage – not quite enough of one in the end for Jack Morman, but almost.
I say that for the obvious reason that you might look at these numbers and be worried about Garcia’s future in 2022. I don’t think we can take anything for granted, but remember two things. One is what I just said, that there’s an incumbent’s advantage here, and I’d expect Garcia to benefit from it in two years’ time. And two, we will have new boundaries for these precincts by then. I fully expect that the Dem majority will make Garcia’s re-election prospects a little better, as the Republican majority had done for Morman in 2011.
The bigger question is what happens with the two Republican-held precincts. I’ve spoken about how there’s no spare capacity on the Republican side to bolster their existing districts while moving in on others. That’s not the case here for Dems with Commissioners Court. Given free rein, you could easily draw four reasonable Dem districts. The main thing that might hold you back is the Voting Rights Act, since you can’t retrogress Precinct 1. The more likely play is to dump some Republican turf from Precincts 2 and 3 into Precinct 4, making it redder while shoring up 2 for the Dems and making 3 more competitive. I wouldn’t sit around in my first term in office if I’m Tom Ramsey, is what I’m saying.
I should note that Beto also won CC3, as did Mike Collier and Justin Nelson and Kim Olson, but that’s largely it; I didn’t go back to check the various judicial races but my recollection is that maybe a couple of the Dem judicials carried it. Overall, CC3 was still mostly red in 2018, with a few blue incursions, and it remained so in 2020. I feel like it would be gettable in 2024 even without a boost from redistricting, but why take the chance? Dems can set themselves up here, and they should.
What about the office Dems flipped? That would be Justice of the Peace, Place 1, where longtime jurist Russ Ridgway finally met his match. You will note that Precinct 5 Constable Ted Heap held on by a 51.5 to 48.5 margin, almost the exact mirror of Israel Garcia’s 51.4 to 48.6 win over Ridgway. What might account for the difference? For one, as we’ve seen, candidates with Latino surnames have generally done a couple of points better than the average. For two, it’s my observation that more people probably know their Constable’s name than either of their JPs’ names. Your neighborhood may participate in a Constable patrol program, and even if you don’t you’ve surely seen road signs saying that the streets are overseen by Constable so-and-so. I think those two factors may have made the difference; I’m told Garcia was a very active campaigner as well, and that could have helped, but I can’t confirm that or compare his activity to Dem Constable candidate Mark Alan Harrison, so I’ll just leave it as a second-hand observation. Dems can certainly aim for the Place 2 JP in Precinct 5, and even though Precinct 4 was in the red I’d really like to see someone run against Laryssa Korduba, who is (as of last report, anyway) the only JP in Harris County who no longer officiates weddings following the Obergefell ruling. She’s consistent about it, and acting legally by not doing any weddings, and that’s fine by me as a personal choice, but that doesn’t mean the people of Precinct 4 couldn’t do better for themselves. I’d like to see them have that choice in 2022.
Next up, some comparisons to 2012 and 2016. Next week, we get into judicial races and county races. Let me know what you think.
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The more likely play is to dump some Republican turf from Precincts 2 and 3 into Precinct 4, making it redder while shoring up 2 for the Dems and making 3 more competitive.
This sounds like Dallas County in 2011. Let’s see if it results in similar fireworks.
https://www.nbcdfw.com/news/local/commissioner-accuses-colleagues-of-redistricting-flim-flam/1895842/
In Tarrant County, I expect the Arlington based CC precinct to be cracked to elect 3 Republicans again.